Today, 29 July 2014, WikiLeaks releases an unprecedented Australian censorship order concerning a multi-million dollar corruption case explicitly naming the current and past heads of state of Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam, their relatives and other senior officials. The super-injunction invokes “national security” grounds to prevent reporting about the case, by anyone, in order to “prevent damage to Australia’s international relations”. The court-issued gag order follows the secret 19 June 2014 indictment of seven senior executives from subsidiaries of Australia’s central bank, the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA). The case concerns allegations of multi-million dollar inducements made by agents of the RBA subsidiaries Securency and Note Printing Australia in order to secure contracts for the supply of Australian-style polymer bank notes to the governments of Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam and other countries.
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF VICTORIA AT MELBOURNE
S CR 2013: 0173, 0174, 0175, 0215
S CR 2014: 0047, 0048, 0049, 0058, 0079, 0080
BARRY THOMAS BRADY & ORS
GENERAL FORM OF ORDER
|JUDGE:||The Honourable Justice Hollingworth|
|DATE MADE:||19 June 2014|
|HOW OBTAINED:||Oral application, following the giving of notice under s 10 of the Open Courts Act 2013 (Vic)|
|ATTENDANCE:||Dr S Danaghue QC and Mr J Forsaith for the Commonwealth of Australia (instructed by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade)
Mr J Forsaith for the Commissioner of the Australian Federal Police
Mr N Robinson QC and Mr K Armstrong for the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions
Mr M Cahill for Barry Thomas Brady
Mr C Mandy for Peter Sinclair Hutchinson
Mr C Thomson for John Leckenby
Mr P Tehan QC for Steven Kim Wong
Mr P Higham for Christian Boillot and Clifford John Gerathy
Ms M Fox for Myles Andrew Curtis
THE COURT ORDERS THAT:
- Subject to further order, there be no disclosure, by publication or otherwise, of any information (whether in electronic or paper form) derived from or prepared for the purposes of these proceedings (including the terms of these orders, and the affidavit of Gillian Elizabeth Bird affirmed on 12 June 2014) that reveals, implies, suggests or alleges that any person to whom this order applies:
- received or attempted to receive a bribe or improper payment;
- acquiesced in or was wilfully blind as to any person receiving or attempting to receive a bribe or improper payment; or
- was the intended or proposed recipient of a bribe or improper payment.
- Subject to further order, order 1 applies to the following persons:
- any current or former Prime Minister of Malaysia (including refereces to ‘PM’);
- any current or former Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia (including references to ‘DPM’);
- any current or former Finance Minister of Malaysia (including references to ‘FM’);
- Mohammad Najib Abdul Razak, currently Prime Minister (since 2009) and Finance Minister (since 2008) of Malaysia;
- Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (also known as Pak Lah), a former Prime Minister (2003 – 2009) and Finance Minister (2003 – 2008) of Malaysia;
- Puan Noni (also knows as Ms/Madame Noni, or Nonni), a sister-in-law of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi;
- Mahathir Mohamed, a former Prime Minister (1981 – 2003) and Finance Minister (2001 – 2003) of Malaysia;
- Daim Zainuddin, a former Finance Minister of Malaysia (1984 – 1991; 1999 – 2001);
- Rafidah Aziz, a former Trade Minister of Malaysia (1987 – 2008);
- Hamid Albar, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs (1999 – 2008) and Minister of Home Affairs (2008 – 2009) of Malaysia;
- Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (also known as SBY), currently President of Indonesia (since 2004);
- Megawati Sukarnoputri (also known as Mega), a former President of Indonesia (2001 – 2004) and current leader of the PDI-P political party;
- Laksamana Sukardi, a former Indonesian minister (2001 – 2004; in Megawati Sukarnoputri’s goverment);
- Truong Tan San, currently President of Vietnam (since 2011);
- Nguyen Tan Dung, currently Prime Minister of Vietnam (since 2006);
- Le Duc Thuy, a Former Chairman of the National Financial Supervisory Committee (2007 – 2011) and a former Governor of the State Bank of Vietnam (1999 – 2007); and
- Nong Duc Manh, a former General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam (2001 – 2011).
- Subject to further order, order 1 does not prevent:
- disclosures to and among Commonwealth officers (as defined by s 3 of Crimes Act 1914 (Cth)) or international investigators, international prosecuting authorities, and other like international entities;
- provision by the Court to registered media organisations, under cover of a notice referring to the existence of these orders, of transcript and exhibits (which, for the avoidance of doubt, must then be treated in accordance with order 1 above);
- provision of material by the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions to Note Printing Australia Pty Ltd and its legal representatives, provided any such material is provided together with a copy of these orders.
- The prohibition on publication in order 1 applies throughout Australia.
- The purpose of these orders is to prevent damage to Australia’s international relations that may be caused by the publication of material that may damage the reputations of specified individuals who are not the subject of charges in these proceedings.
- These orders are made on the grounds that they are:
- necessary to prevent a real and substantial risk of prejudice to the proper administration of justice that cannot be prevented by other reasonably available means; and
- necessary to prevent prejudice to the interests of the Commonwealth in relation to national security.
- These orders operate for a period of 5 years from the date of these orders, unless sooner revoked.
- The affidavit of Gillian Elizabeth Bird affirmed on 12 June 2014 be sealed in an envelope marked “Not to be opened without an order of the Court”, and not be opened without order of the Court.
- There be liberty to apply.
DATE AUTHENTICATED: 19 June 2014
Kiev, Ukraine: The speaker of the Ukrainian Parliament, Oleksander Turchynov, a member of the US backed junta that seized power in Kiev in March this year, has announced that he “corrected an historical error” and “fulfilled an historic mission” disbanding the Communist Party of Ukraine.
As well as parliament’s July 24 dissolution of the Communist Party, the Kiev junta has filed a court suit to ban Communist Party activity and to declare it a criminal organisation on grounds of supporting “separatism” and “terrorism”.
A statement by Communist Party leader Petro Symonenko in early May, that if he were president, he would immediately recall all troops from eastern Ukraine triggered these moves. He called the “special operations” in Donetsk and Luhansk regions at the time a “war against the people.”
As a result right-wing thugs drove Symonenko out of the Presidential elections, culminating in an attempt to assassinate him.
The junta alleges that the Communist Party has been involved in “actions that led to Russia’s occupation of Crimea, involvement in supply of weapons and funding of terrorists in eastern regions, as well as in arranging separatist referenda in the Luhansk and Donetsk regions.”
Communist Party members are accused of “direct involvement … in combat actions against Ukrainian forces of the anti-terrorist operation.”
The “anti-terrorist operation” is in fact the Kiev junta’s policy of ethnically cleansing eastern Ukraine of Russian speakers, in line with the call for “Ukraine for the Ukrainians” by the extreme right and Nazi elements that make up the junta.
The junta is even more determined to carry out this policy because of the east’s rejection of the fascist coup in Kiev, and the overwhelmingly endorsed referenda for self-determination in Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk provinces.
The junta is also under pressure to restore “stability” in eastern Ukraine as part of the agreement to release IMF funding for the close-to-bankrupt country.
A draft bill “On the prohibition of communist ideology in Ukraine” is also before parliament. This “thought-crime” law, if passed, sets up the mechanism for suppression of all socialist and anti-fascist views and will drive all leftist movements and independent working class organisations underground.
It will make the IMF-imposed austerity policies and the accompanying ransacking of Ukraine’s resources and assets, so much more difficult to resist, whether by workers and families in the western or eastern regions of Ukraine.
The banning of the Communist Party and “communist ideology” has been accompanied by murders, beatings, abduction and torture of communists, as well as the destruction of party buildings and desecration of monuments commemorating the victory of Ukrainians of the Soviet era over Hitler’s Nazis.
Members of other leftist organisations, activists and unionists have also been targets.
The suppression of the Communist Party in Ukraine signals the continuing descent of Ukraine into bloody dictatorship as the Kiev junta intensifies the vicious civil war against its own people on behalf of Ukrainian oligarchs – of which billionaire President Poroshenko is representative – and as it delivers Ukraine into the tender mercies of the bankers of the European Union.
Progressive, democratic and peace loving forces internationally need to call for:
- condemnation of the banning of the Communist Party of Ukraine and similar moves against other opposition parties and organisations;
- a stop to the genocide being carried out against the people of Donetsk and Luhansk people’s republics and the violent suppression of opposition to the junta throughout Ukraine;
- solidarity with Ukrainian workers and all forces that stand against the neo-Nazi threat in Ukraine; and
- denunciation of the US/NATO conspiracy of aggression against Ukraine, and by extension Russia, which contains within it the threat of nuclear war.
Australian Broadcasting Corporation
ABC correspondent, Stephen McDonell, reports on attempts by Australian and Dutch police to reach the MH 17 crash site.
EMMA ALBERICI, PRESENTER: A contingent of Australian and Dutch police has tonight failed to reach the crash site of flight MH17 in Eastern Ukraine. A short time ago, the group decided to turn back, after outbreaks of heavy fighting and a series of explosions in the area. The ABC’s Stephen McDonell had been travelling with the convoy and he joins us now from the rebel-controlled city of Donetsk.
Stephen, what can you tell us about that convoy, which, as we know, you were a part of?
STEPHEN MCDONELL, REPORTER: Well I’ll take you through the events in a moment, but I should say off the bat, today, those AFP officers and other international police officers, they could’ve been killed in their attempts to get to that crash site. And I think now there will be questions being asked: is it really worth sending people through a battle zone to try and reach the crash area? It’s just terrible. Everybody wants them to be able to reach there and remove the remains that are still in the area and to do a proper investigation, but it’s so dangerous. The fighting is so heavy. We’re talking artillery, shells going everywhere, we’re talking about, you know, small-arms fire, and it’s just chaotic and extremely dangerous.
But maybe I should just take you through what happened. So we left here. As you say, I’m in Donetsk. This is a city controlled by the rebels. We were moving towards the crash site. Now, yesterday, the Ukrainian forces moved in there and re-took villages around the crash site, so to get to it, you now have to go across the battle front. We tagged along on the back of this convoy of about, I suppose, 20 or so cars and vans. And when we got to the end point of the rebel-controlled area, that is, the frontier, they let only the inspectors go through into the city, where there’s heavy fighting for control of that between the Ukrainians and the rebels and we were made to stand back. And then, soon after – I suppose it’d be an hour or something – the inspectors came screaming back in the other direction, because, well, as you mentioned, there was too much fighting going on there.
EMMA ALBERICI: So exactly how far do you estimate you were from the crash site when you were turned back?
STEPHEN MCDONELL: We were about 15 kilometres from the crash site and you could hear rockets, you could hear artillery. I’m completely surprised that they’ve gone ahead and tried to get through this area to reach the crash site. You know, do they want somebody else to get killed to try and reach this place? And I know that it’s frustrating, because the inspectors really want to make it there, they really want to be able to do their job. But I can’t stress just how dangerous it is and how fluid the situation has become.
EMMA ALBERICI: So, you touched on it just before; I gather what you’re saying then is that there has been had renewed push by the Ukrainian forces to clear out the pro-Russian separatists. Do you get a sense that this has been intensified?
STEPHEN MCDONELL: Yeah, the Ukrainians think they’ve got the Russian-speaking rebels on the run. They think that they’ve got world opinion on their side. They think that the rebels now have lost the potential backing of Russia because the fear was that Russia would send troops across the border into Ukraine to back them up when the Ukrainian forces attacked. Now that the rebels are being blamed for downing this plane, the feeling is that – I think the calculation by the Kiev Government, that is – that the Russians won’t intervene on the side of the rebels. And so they’re using this window to try and retake this whole area from Russian-speaking rebels. Now unfortunately, this is the very same time that these inspectors have come here to try and do their work. So, yeah, look, fighting has definitely intensified. I mean, we can hear shelling from this building. They’re fighting on the outskirts of Donetsk, and I think most people think that, eventually, this city even will fall to the Ukrainian Government forces.
EMMA ALBERICI: And, Stephen, what is playing out behind the scenes in Kiev is a political struggle. We saw the Prime Minister resign last week, so now there’s going to be a snap election. I mean, that kind of navel gazing in the capital can’t be helping efforts to secure the crash site?
STEPHEN MCDONELL: Sure. I think that probably would be another element in the uncertainty around the planning for this crash site, but either way, it doesn’t really matter what they’re doing in Kiev because on the ground here, there is full-scale fighting going on. And the inspectors – like today, they thought they had agreement from both sides that there’d be a corridor to go through to that crash site. To tell the truth, I don’t think the Australians expected that they’d be taken that way. They thought we’d be going around Kirtushk (phonetic spelling) where this fighting was going on, but lo and behold, the convoy went straight through there. And, yeah, look, whatever’s going on politically in Kiev, it doesn’t really matter, because in terms of facts on the ground, this is a serious place to be in terms of fighting.
EMMA ALBERICI: And just before we go, I was very keen to know from you, Stephen, based on where you are right now, how far away is this armed conflict going on?
STEPHEN MCDONELL: Well, like I say, it’s just on the outskirts of Donetsk. We can hear the shelling from this building. So, you know, I suppose we’re talking 10 kilometres away, it could be, 12, 15 kilometres away. The airport’s been bombed here. The train station has been bombed here. But most of the more heavy fighting is going on further away from Donetsk. It seems that the Ukrainians are methodically picking off town by town to retake. And that’s what we saw yesterday when we went out there and we were stopped. We saw the Ukrainian forces come through a small village and retake it without any resistance. And the rebels, they are scrambling to try and hang on to this area. You see them burning around in their vans, the sort of ragtag army, and they’ve got some serious weapons, but they don’t have the organisation of an army in the same way that the Ukrainians do.
EMMA ALBERICI: Stephen McDonell there in Donetsk in the Ukraine, we appreciate the update. Thank you very much.
Published: July 30, 2014 – 5:08PM
A former Soviet-era intelligence officer, wanted for subversion and deadly repression by two of Russia’s neighbours, has emerged as a key player with rebels in eastern Ukraine.
Vladimir Antyufeev acted as a leader in the self-styled People’s Republic of Donetsk, the scene of desperate efforts to recover the last human remains after the attack on flight MH17.
It may also signal an attempt by Russia’s President Vladimir Putin to consolidate control over the separatists.
Mr Antyufeev is reportedly a “specialist for creating new independent states” and is suspected of helping orchestrate Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March.
He took over as “acting” leader after “prime minister” Alexander Borodai was this week summoned to Moscow for consultations.
Mr Borodai had been the face of the rebels, negotiating with Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak in the past fortnight to allow access to the wreckage of the Malaysia Airlines Boeing 777.
Russian-born Mr Antyufeev was announced only days before the attack on MH17 as “first deputy prime minister” in Donetsk, with control over security and the interior ministry.
Mr Antyufeev has deep ties with Russia’s security services. He was a police commander in the former Soviet republic Latvia, where he remains wanted over an attack that left six dead in 1991 after the country declared independence.
But he defends his past as a fight against “fascism”.
Mr Antyufeev later became defence minister in Transnistria – a pro-Russian breakaway republic of Moldova.
He was dismissed in 2012 and returned to Russia and was later accused of abuse of power.
The European Union has blacklisted Mr Antyufeev as “persona non grata”.
On Tuesday, he accused the Ukrainian government of thwarting attempts by Dutch and Australian police to search for any remains of the 298 people killed on MH17.
“The Ukrainians have taken over a part of the crash site,” he said, and blamed government artillery shells for “destroying parts of the site where fragments of the plane are located”.
The Right Sector via its EuroMaidanPR website has launch the Gobbelesque Information Hygiene Rules for Ukraine. So it appears that the calender in Ukraine has been permanetly set to 1984.
The Right Sector is seeking to challenge what it calls a New Informational Matrix War in the military, diplomatic, cyberspace dimensions. An article on their website notes that they Right Sector morals commitee known as the National Council for TV and Radio Broadcasting is forced by this New Informatiomal Matrix War to ‘make daily addresses to the cable operators with the demand to stop broadcasting the temporarily prohibited Russian TV channels’.
They have also blamed Russia when they state ‘We understood the rightness of this step when the poisonous wave of Russian propaganda full engulfed some regions of Donbas’ i.e. when the peopel of Donbass rose up against the ideological driven and US taxpayers sponsored murderous attack in Maiden Square, Mariupol and at the Odessa Trade Union Hall.
Welcome to the Matrix fascist pigs.
The article is as follows.
It is no secret that Russia is leading a hybrid war against Ukraine. It is being fought on various fronts and various levels – in the military, diplomatic, cyberspace dimensions. Its integral part is information and psychological warfare.
Everyone knew that from time to time our strategic parter is carrying out information campaigns and operations. Sometimes it was called information war. However, nobody could even imagine that we are not just dealing with a powerful propaganda machine. We are dealing with a new informational matrix, which is not only producing a hateful worldview but creating a new reality.
Within only half a year it changed the basis of consciousness of Russians and part of the Ukrainian population. It is difficult to imagine, but between two-thirds and three-fourths of Russian support aggression and war against Ukraine, the murder of Ukrainians and annex of Ukrainian territory.
Could we have imagined, even several months ago, a war in Donbas: murder, torture, kidnapping, Russian mercenaries, Russian weapons… But information became the Russians’ main weapon. Or rather, its distortion – we have seen staged reports for the first time, industrial-scale lies.
The power of information war is such that we almost feel it on a physical level. It turned some mass media into a weapon of mass destruction.
The reason is the fact that the grounds for this information war was very well prepared. A new humanitarian, even civilizational, space has been created in Ukraine. I am not just talking about news. I am talking about TV series, movies, books – all of them have been a preparation for the possible fratricidal war.
This is why the National Council for TV and Radio Broadcasting is forced to make daily addresses to the cable operators with the demand to stop broadcasting the temporarily prohibited Russian TV channels which have turned into the primary means of aggression against Ukraine. We are being accused of the undemocratic nature of such a step. Accused by those who are implementing or approving totalitarian means of fighting against those who think differently. However, can society let a murderer or criminal walk free? The criminal has to be isolated.
We understood the rightness of this step when the poisonous wave of Russian propaganda full engulfed some regions of Donbas. It cannot be called anything other than information genocide.
The state has all the opportunities to strictly control information space. However such an approach would already be a fiasco in itself.
We do not want to win at any cost: neither in the military op, nor in the information space. This is why we should not react when they accuse us of losing the information war. We are not waging information war against Russia. We are trying to preserve ourselves, our right to be ourselves.
We are not going to turn into a clone of the Russian propaganda machine. However we need the help of society.
We can only withstand the propaganda machine together – state and society. In the end, we all need a strong democratic independent Ukraine.
Which is why new times are making new demands. Including those towards the media space. These new demands are information hygiene rules of sorts. By adhering to them we will be able to preserve peace and tranquility in the country:
Don’t become mouthpieces for world views that are unfriendly towards Ukraine. It is akin to radiation – we don’t notice it until a certain moment. And then the body starts dying.
Don’t spread unreliable data, lies or professional propaganda production.
Don’t give the floor to terrorists and separatists. Today information is a weapon, and by doing so you are de-facto opening the fortress gate to the enemy army.
Don’t become the enemy’s eyes – any information that poses a threat for our soldiers should not be shared in info space.
Unite your efforts and resources to protect the Ukrainian information space. We are fighting an enemy with almost unlimited opportunities, compared to us.
I would like to emphasizes that I am not talking about censure or self-censure. I am talking about responsibility – both professional and civil. Human, finally. Because we have to remember that today a word and a video can kill. Literally.
Translated by Mariya Shcherbinina